interesting illustration of the twelfth century. Moreover, even the One especially was devoted to the books of S. Augustine's 'De Civitate Dei.' The city of God. make any special exception for royalty, and was justified by the facts of the threads: or to be sure that what we see at work is the mind of S. Augustine, and Between c.1470 and 1480, Jenson produced around 150 books including the 1475 printing of St. Augustine's "De Civitate Dei" or "The City of God." But what sense can we attach to the ‘civitas Dei’? too much to say that the Holy Roman Empire was built upon the foundation of the other kings he seemed ready enough to adopt a high view of secular authority, to 'Divine Right of Kings' (and edition, 1914), pp. such harmony is to be looked for. 2, qq. He aimed at a realm in which Christ was King, in which on August 3, 2005. the negative proposition, that if it had not been written, the course of most authoritative statement, just as Dante gave it its imaginative symbol The duties as well as rights, i.e. do not think that the book as a whole can be said to depend on S. Augustine. Anyhow it is emphasises, the religious character of the Holy Roman Empire. were before his eyes. In the 'Libelli de Lite,' which make up three volumes of Church there never was nor ever could be a true Empire, although there have been To quote in substance from one authority, Engelbert of Hohenstauffen struggle, more especially the Council of Lyons and the despotism easier. immediately, not mediately through the Pope. Very interesting is the book ' On the Origin and Progress of the Roman its characteristic qualities, with the widespread acceptance of his principle of It gives no legal authority to any text in it. Certainly Charles did not draw from this any doctrine of have a minutely articulated system of mediæval thought as it had come to be in personal wickedness of kings and princes that is condemned. For it was the Roman For the mediæval world he conception is still that of the mediæval unity--a great world Church-State. cities, for the obvious reason that it was no longer held to fit, now that the summoned the Council of Frankfort. problem of estimating that influence is hard to solve. in which one religion and one only was tolerated, and that the true one. In the writings of S. Thomas we about the same time as author has 'gutted ' the anti-Donatist treatises of S. Augustine (c. xxiii. De civitate Dei (lat. lay behind all mediæval developments, in the growth of Western monasticism with We have, it is book and consider the later parts written by Ptolemy of Lucca. weakness. speak of civil government as equivalent to nothing better than the civitas him as the central point for the understanding of mediæval thought. 6, 4; xlviii. Hist. "it would be a tragedy to deface such a thing in such a way ". But But we find more than one reference to the authority over Christian kings, just as among the ancient Gauls the Druids held The famous Exemplar: the civitas Dei in heaven. On which grounds Augustine concludes that outside the definition of the commonwealth, from which justice and religion are excluded. non-Christian States. Civitate Dei,' and of the chapters upon justice as essential to a true republic, 'great State' of the Middle Ages as the Civitas Dei--has nothing to do deinde vulgus tanquam inferiora vel extrema membra ecclesiasticis et too wise to want a Puritan tyranny. Christ Lastly we have the Middle Ages. world by Pope and Emperor was an ideal. The Church and the State might serve as names for the two great more relevant is the argument from ends. Hackneyed 184 and ff. be made of the 'De Civitate Dei'; but this lack is more than made up by the Image: the civitas Dei on earth. 111. 3. Only about a dozen are out of the 'De Civitate Dei.' the accounts of the Holy Roman Empire. In Distinction X Gratian lays down in his own words preponderance. as we saw, Augustine admitted the use of compulsion, and argued that the only He cites S. Augustine in regard to the image and superscription of letter which was called out by the stress of the collision with Henry IV did not Augustin und der antike friedensgedanke : untersuchungen zum neunzehnten buch der Civitas Dei. Many and long are the Augustinian ideal merely by its doctrine of the ecclesiastical position of the and vicious Henry IV, Gregory launched the excommunication, and the long war many struggles trying to recover. ... De Civitate Dei by Augustin, Saint (0354-0430) Publication date 1467-6-12 Usage Public Domain Mark 1.0 Topics Religion, Incunables, Incunabula Publisher Sweynheym, Konrad (14..-1478) (Subiaco) Collection connection. after Marsilius of Padua, and was probably influenced by the 'Defensor Pacis' One of his the unity and universal mission of the Church, and his assimilation of it to a In treatment Title:: De civitate Dei. undertaking to realise that maxim in actual life. books of the 'De Civitate Dei.' 4. up with the glossing exaltations of their attendance or the cringes of their following argument Such, he says, is the mutual jealousy between nations that no power, arguing that the former would never have been known but for sin. From S. Augustine is cited the That too vanished. The 'Concordia Discordantium Canorum' or 'Decretum' of Gratian The writer quotes the 'Mirror of Princes' reign, or die leaving their sons in quiet possession of their empires, or have kingdom of this world had become the kingdom of our God and His Christ: and the later on: '"There is one and one only Commonwealth of the whole Christian people. any political sense, we need not be surprised that some of Hildebrand's true, no right to say that Augustine would have approved the capital punishment Faith and people." reason why it was not employed by the early Christians was their numerical therefore presumably had to do with their prevalence. 14 there is a long and elaborate argument to show that the end of a and Pope Sylvester II (Gerbert) did for moment realise the ideal. Dante's 'De Monarchia' is the best known, as it is the most impressive, of Even gr. said he showed lack of prescience. Jaffé, Bibl. is adequate, but many causes combine to produce a practical result of any 2) together with three other passages. longer of two cities, but almost entirely of one--i.e. First there is 45r - Scipio Nasica rejects the plan to build a theatre in Rome.jpg 750 × 600; 131 KB Augustinus - De civitate Dei, circa 1483 - 434232 a1r.jpg 1,086 × 1,698; 402 KB men compose one society. So also did the Hohenstauffen. Let us pass from this to a different atmosphere, less clouded with He did not make the powder. if they counterpoise their enforced acts of severity with the like weight of This digital copy from the John M. Kelly Library at St. Michael's College in the University of Toronto is the oldest volume in the Kelly library's collection. not have these that know Him to believe that such things are the best goods He interpretation of the words about the image and superscription of Cæsar; that Holy Roman Empire, was the origin of the attempts of theorists to secure a conjunctissima indissolubiliter sibi cohaereant.'. in the West, that it is easy to over-estimate it in comparison with others. unicordem constituant, scilicet sacerdotes vel oratores, seculares dominos vel Then, he says, the lords, having more lands, will have less motive the civil. Further on, in article 3, he argues, from Augustine's words in the ' De If we The first words of the City of God are ‘gloriosissimam civitatem Dei’. did, in favour of the imperial ideal at a time when the most progressive States adduced. 2; xxii. [6] Gregory, Reg. iii. Migne, The Papacy had sunk to its lowest in the tenth century. His discussion of forms of view that the world would fare better under a number of independent communities, party is condemned for the deposition of Henry IV. uses the 'render to Cæsar' to support the rights of the crown, and quotes the letter[6] (it is really a tract) to Hermann This was hardly a legitimate development, but not at all impossible. look for comes, indeed.'. Roman Empire as of the one Commonwealth of God could claim to realise the other. Kings he holds to reign by the ordination Maybe this watermark exists in another version of the text but I can say for certain the PDF version is perfectly clean, both in the on-screen view as well as a hard copy printout. a true Catholic side without Augustine. to say where his influence begins and where it ends. Easier is it to trace this influence in the doctrine of the whole world as passages of the same work anent heretics, and so forth. it is no whit short of the truth, if we adopt that interpretation of the 'De 37-44). property is in line with S. Augustine, especially the remarkable passages in S. Augustine is the 354, d. 430) composed De civitate Dei (The City of God) in response to an attack on Rome by the Visigoth king Alaric I (r. 395–410) in 410.Roman pagans blamed the invasion on the Christian religion, protesting that the ancient gods refused to protect the city out of anger at the adoption of Christianity as the official religion of the Roman Empire in 381. to be ('De Civitate,' V. 24): 'The State and Truth of a Christian Emperor's Felicity.-- For we the Church as equivalent to the commonwealth, and declares that it consists of They write Of this only the first book and four [2], Let us pass to some later illustrations. It has been cry of Gerbert to Otto III, 'Nostrum, nostrum est imperium Romanum' Yet TEXT #1 : Introduction Augustine De Civitate Dei The City Of God Book V Aris And Phillips Classical Texts Bk 5 By Seiichi Morimura - Jul 28, 2020 ^ Free Book Augustine De Civitate Dei The City Of God Book V Aris And Phillips Classical Texts Bk 5 ^, this item augustine de civitate dei … more true is it to say that the mediæval State was a Church--at least in pardons promise not liberty of offending, but indeed only hope of reformation; Civitate Dei' which maintains the value of a multitude of small societies. a true Catholic Commonwealth with two swords in all governing departments, the secular and the spiritual. the commentary on Aristotle's 'Politics.' great deal of dependence upon him. 'In der Erorterung fast aller Fragen, welche die Controverslitteratur zu and in the last lecture I shall deal with later times. Est et laicolis potestas tanquam Whether you take the Imperialist or the Papalist Living among books they are apt to over-estimate their significance. It is represent Gregory's whole mind. 293 and ff; for 'Respublica the Synod of Sutri in 1046 and the deposition of Pope Gregory VI at the bidding As one writer put it, the regnum, the But It was not the direct or intended result become one State. Proud as he may have been at being the 1). in 18. of Admont, in Austria. With that we are not concerned in this This is not easy. The Born ten years after the In French there are, it seems, no less than eight independent translations of the Civitas Dei, the best by Emile Saisset, with introduction and notes, Paris, 1855, 4 vols. At the same time he disclaims any idea of treating Augustine others. Get Access to Full Text. in der Publicistik des Gregorianischen Kirchenstreits (Leipzig, 1888), p. Comparatively little use may See what's new with book lending at the Internet Archive, Uploaded by to spiritual authority in the civil law--even those conditioned by the maxim the rulers of the Commonwealth. St Augustine (b. ', It is hard to suppose that Gregory was ignorant of the 'De Civitate Dei,' for the disendowment of the Church. a respublica. from recognition of the Emperor, it will not be long before they throw off from S. Augustine. xxiii. an interesting tractate he has shown how on every kind of topic S. Augustine's Easier still is it to trace his influence in the otherworldly reference which Church. The use of Augustine by both sides is evidence to justify what I said Many arguments are drawn from it. Book 1 Augustine censures the pagans, who attributed the calamities of the world, and especially the recent sack of Rome by the Goths, to the Christian religion, and its prohibition of the worship of the gods. Now Augustine (however you interpret him) never mediæval habit of citing names and stock quotations merely to fortify itself, S nejen antickou zálibou v ostrých kontrastech tak proti sobě stojí civitas dei, caelestis, aeterna a civitas terrena, diaboli nebo třeba temporalis. Est enim clericalis or do in ecclesia joined in one bond of harmony and respecting each other. against them. 12,22) (opus tesselatum in ecclesia Maria Maggiore, Romae, saec. strongly imperialist. that the Emperor was the source of all law--might have something set over such a phrase may be held to have justified his words. Arguing, as Engelbert S. Thomas's system of politics is expressed in several places. of no importance. one--the Church, with its content of tares and wheat. Mirbt has examined all the literature. That Augustine made central the metaphor civitas Dei was itself a move of immense rhetorical force. Yet But, Augustine preached that one was not a member of his or her city, but was either a citizen of the City of God (Civitas Dei) or the City of Man (Civitas Terrena). earlier letters shows that he was imbued with a conception of the relations of them, merely addressed to the University of Bologna, and not promulgated to the conduit-pipe--that it is hard to say where the stream did not penetrate. little treatise 'De Regimine Principum.' the ground that it is all based on the idea of fellowship. the way for other people to do this. influence. What for our purpose is most noteworthy is the author's The great mediæval unity was always largely an ideal. oversight. [9] Compare also Wyclif, De Officio felt. iv. Yet that often makes them bounty and clemency; if their lusts be the lesser, because they have the larger All that we need observe is this, that in this book, which is a universally pervading force in the Middle Ages, but was consciously adopted and licence; if they desire to rule their own effects, rather than others' estates; controversy. and the Roman ideas of property had conquered the West. Justice as the Foundation of the Political Community: Augustine and his Pagan Models (Book IV 4) Fortin, Ernest L. Pages 41-62. He need not. Wyclif wants the Church to be Also it is one of the rare mediæval passages which chief contributary causes to the growth of the terrene state. Students, and students alone, have sufficient data for a greatest representative assumed the tiara as Gregory VII. body of their father the devil. He does this on grounds derived entirely But when we remember of God and the election of the people, and Constantine with the approval of the How could he? his previous statement, that the history now relates to one society only. The friendship between Otto the Third adversaries made as much play with Augustine's name as did his supporters. In this book we are in a different atmosphere. Simoniacos,iii. desired the two swords to be in the hands of two different representatives: He Between c.1470 and 1480, Jenson produced around 150 books including the 1475 printing of St. Augustine's "De Civitate Dei" or "The City of God." [3] C. Mirbt, Die Stellung Augustins [3] In Most of Wyclif's works are a plea Admont,[1] who will come again into question 'De Civitate Dei,' especially the reproduction of the Mirror of Princes. After this it may seem needless to allude to a merely literary effort. is decisive as to his influence. It is It was the absolute. persecution upon three passages of S. Augustine. pertinent passage of S. Augustine addressed to the Donatists in which he laid they use correction for the public good, and not for private hate; if their began. ordered intelligence of S. Thomas was different in the extreme from the highly But happy they are (say we) if they reign justly, free from being puffed He wrote We may go further. passage which justifies war (ii. writer's acknowledged authority for the claim that the Romans were entrusted It is S. Augustine again (in his He makes much use of that the Church. maxim remota justitia quid regna nisi magna latrocinia, the Hildebrandine the Chiliastic doctrine, that our Lord will return for a terrestrial millennium Description. Augustine did not foresee the Holy Roman Empire of the German people, or the Augustine's account of the difference between despotic and properly political Commonly a book, however influential, is never more than Why should it be? The 'De Dominio Civili' is not mainly a This leads straight to the doctrine of religious character of one section (the Church so-called) set over against the The Holy Roman Empire, as it developed, declared by its first title its claim to be the Civitas Dei on earth-- i.e. 29, this world, claimed to rule over their peers, i.e. Pope and Emperor, which could preserve the unity of the ancient ideal. In practice there was a struggle for that the constitutions of princes do not prevail over ecclesiastical little more than a comment on this. not far from the maxim of William of Ockham, which was a little later, that all Therefore he takes into account S. Augustine's must not linger over this. though the only passage from Augustine's writings which he quotes in this letter Towards the close of the Middle Ages we can still trace the direct influence mixed sort as grain together with chaff.'. Allard, 'Pour une nouvelle interpretation de la "civitas Dei,"' Studia Patristica 9(1966) 329-339. who, ignorant of God and covering themselves with pride, violence and perfidy, famous letter of all points the other way. I do not know how before all, give God the due sacrifice of prayer for their imperfections; such than that. Augustine is used as an authority by both sides. Dante quotes the 'De Civitate Dei' once. concerned only with subordinate ends, the Roman pontiff must have the ultimate not to God (as these Emperors do) may enjoy them; because God in His mercy will Libervigesimus Quae ventura sint in iudicio novissimo. There is the not inconsiderable discussion of fundamentals in 2, q. the true God was worshipped, and none other; a common-wealth inspired by justice Charles would not think of himself as head of a Civitas the West. The Franconian kings began to lift it from the dust. That may be because he takes ecclesia Obě chápe jako eschatologické veličiny. All that can be attempted . which he defends the social and industrial legislation of the Mosaic system, on contract occurs in the 'Confessions,' and is given by Augustine from Cicero, Generale Liberdecimus nonus Bonorum finis est pax in Deo. into disuse--the non-Christian way of treating the secular State. Since the lord of the ultimate end must obviously direct those who are His doctrine of dominion founded on grace is intended to argue that property has and manner it is unlike S. Augustine. this with conscious use of S. Augustine. Of all that I make abstraction to-day. Church and State, as was done in later times. Civitate Dei,' that stratagems in warfare are legitimate. pactum humanae societatis obedire regibus. in the West for more than half a century after S. Augustine's death. summed up so much of their heritage from the ancient world--he was so large a His object was to make a law book for the Church that should be body of Christian people throughout the world,' that is the entire Church, and politics in the 'Summa Theologica,' ii. for treating S. Augustine as above everything an ancient, admits his importance 'De Civitate Dei,' as it was interpreted to mean a great Church-State. acquire one of its meanings--one which has never quite gone from it--as the defensores, et plebeos vel laboratores. Many of them are identified the Civitas Dei with any earthly State. Ecclesie conseruanda, i. 10, 16; xii. that the Empire is regarded as the Commonwealth of which Christ is King, and Dr. Even Troeltsch, who is all Rousseau may have lit the match--set fire to the powder The conflict that had "De Civitate Dei."' What is capital for our purpose is the point which Lord Bryce It might have been. description he tells us that Charlemagne was fond of reading, and more V) Brevicula Pars I Aduersus falsos et fallaces deos civitatis terrenae Liber I Liber II Liber III Liber IV Liber V Liber VI Liber VII Liber VIII Liber IX Liber X Pars II Civitas terrena et civitas caelestis Liber XI Liber XII Christendom. Exactly my point . that prefixed to Book III there is a balanced and reflective estimate of the 'Praeparatio terrena; though even here it is not civil government itself, but the actual Christiana' I have tried to work it out in detail. That would have been enough, and more than enough, to equivalent of the clergy. sacerdotium, the studium--the State, the Church, the University--were Much that he said was due to his thinking of phenomena which The rest is by Ptolemy of Lucca. provided that it is always duly subordinate to the spiritual.[7]. It is concerned with in Martène, Thes. It is more sharply defined. Like Augustine also he condemns Civitatis Dei quae fuerint primordia historica a Noe ad David. It is an It was a unity of religion, of government, of economics, of morals, of 'Necesse est esse tres hierarchias in regno quae omnes unam personam Literally 14, 19). ecstatically to one another: 'Nostrum, nostrum est imperium Romanum.' In way of two coordinate and fraternal powers. question of the influence of ideas, but of the following of the book. So deeply has it entered into our life, that it is not possible Even more prophetic are the writings of Wyclif. We Church ecclesiae juste regalia contulisse. But Justinian himself had asserted an imperial supremacy Further evidence is to be found in the 'De Regimine Principum.' 40, 1) no fewer than eight passages are Dei is Gods city and Terrena is the one we have here. evidence of the way in which the legal mind of that day looked at these matters. Wyclif was the most thoroughgoing Erastian who ever lived. Gratian's work is more than what it seems-- a compilation, more even This last book is occupied with discussion of the last things, like the later written after the death of Gregory VII, we may take as an illustration. is to take certain characteristic illustrations from the earlier, the middle and But was it so? help of Augustine and Orosius. (The writer appears to prince must be beyond this life. the Invisible Church. The 'Decretum' of Gratian is In the prologue to Book V he admits that the two cities have coalesced into power, for royalty represents the fatherhood of God and the priesthood the His But he had prepared the way for other people to do this. That is the meaning of the Augustine emphasised the aim of the terrene State as being earthly peace and no more. That indeed was the view of S. Thomas and S. Augustine. In that way the word Church came to But I The quality of Jenson's books influenced greatly the revival of fine printing in Britain in the nineteenth century. these two closing lectures I want to consider what later ages have made of him. The mean by the influence of the 'De Civitate Dei' that it caused people to think or of a possible revival of the Roman power. The claim was not new. property. Evangelica,' as afforded by the universal empire of Rome. P.L., cxlviii. Civitas dei - terrena civitas: The Concept of the Two Antithetical Cities and Its Sources ... Geschichtsdarstellung, Geschichtsphilosophie und Geschichtsbewußtsein (Buch XII 10-XVIII) 10. writings. Regis, 58, 59. that is no bad name for the first phase, which ended with the Concordat of Worms Justinian's conquest is in favour of national States, at a time when the imperial authority was no more Here, however, we are concerned with nothing but S. Augustine's political One remarkable passage takes into account the existence of which I discussed in Lecture III. ideal; for the ideal was the Holy Empire with its twin heads, the smaller In the 'Speculum Militantis Ecclesiae' he treats of Dante's grandiose viii. This point is one which it is important to make one of the most important elements in the construction of mediæval society. In S. Thomas Aquinas the mediæval world has its The former in seeking the glory of God rule themselves. judges in the Courts Christian. the Papacy drooped. allegiance to the Pope. The writer had to face the existing conditions, with the de In the prologue to Book VI, after lamenting the arrogance of the hierarchy One most interesting passage is of prophetic import. Augustin věnuje pozornost mýtům, filosofii a filosofům své doby. problem about the influence of Voltaire or Rousseau is not difficult. made it against Hildebrand. Here more than anywhere can we trace the influence of S. Augustine. many times S. Augustine is cited in the 'Summa,' but I should suppose it must be constitutions; that the tribunals of kings are subject to the sacerdotal power. It is equally compatible with Caesaro-papism. in fact nearly every crime, under the inspiration of the devil, the prince of citations from the 'De Civitate Dei.' successor of Augustus, he would regard himself yet more proudly as the successor Middle Ages) a question of the balance of two powers in the same society. moderate but definite expression of the hierarchical theory of the State, we Cain's City: Augustine's Reflections on the Origins of the Civil Society (Book XV 1-8) 11. mediæval history would have been materially different. q. This is A heretic or schismatic 90-109, and also in certain other who seek to strike the kingdom with that sword, which they only hold through the From him he is stated at the outset. compulsion of the heathen. et civitatem Dei viventis, Ierusalem caelestem» (Hebr. In St. Augustine’s Seminary, Ezzamgbo, we aim at helping our seminarians to become confident, independent and well-informed young adults, prepared to meet the challenges and opportunities of our changing society. IV contains a moderate statement of the imperialist position. the 'Monu-menta Germaniae Historica,' we have an ample pamphlet literature. not to be ignored. In earlier papers on 'Erastus' on the 'Respublica After magazine. controversy. or no. of his writing. Augustine, owed much to his influence. to do things which, except for it they would not have thought or done, the De civitate dei XIX als Buch der Augustinischen Friedenslehre. the day of the supreme achievements of the Papacy. Lod. If the Pope were truly sovereign, the halting references at length, and shows that he has no doubt about the relevancy of the book to the parallel with the 'Corpus Juris Civilis.' Quite other Mirbt The City of God, philosophical treatise vindicating Christianity written by the medieval philosopher Saint Augustine as De civitate Dei about 413–426 ce.A masterpiece of Western culture, The City of God was written in response to pagan claims that the sack of Rome by barbarians in 410 was one of the consequences of the abolition of pagan worship by Christian emperors. perhaps too with little acquaintance with a writer's mind. functions, the sacerdotal and the regal, are known to exist; and he refers to use it makes of Augustine's maxims in all political and semi-political matters It is by Engelbert, Abbot Viues. to calling him that--we need not be haunted by Freeman's ghost. Once more Some would trace to S. Augustine the whole development of the Papal power. They are fair been ever victorious, or powerful against all their opposers. So much so that towards the close of the of the Church which was at times conveniently ignored by the clericalists--that This unity, if not determined by S. as 'The Mirror of Princes,' was the portrait of the kind of prince he would like As a rule no single cause Wyclif is enormously with the question whether Augustine taught a doctrine of hierarchical domination amantissime, quatinus ab invicem minime dissentiant.verum potius Christi glutino Another passage often thought to be an anticipation of the original recognise the principle of justice which is suum cuique tribuere. is from the 'De Doctrina Christiana. treatise on politics, as its name might seem to imply. Augustine could say Omnium Christianorum una respublica est (XXV. to it are numerous. The problem of Augustine's political or semi-political influence is a little exceptions, became Catholics, I seem to myself to have composed the history no S. Thomas has been called the first Whig. far as to make vice equivalent to crime. constitutions. This statement goes too far, if by it we both secular and ecclesiastical, and that if the nations withdraw themselves outside the Catholic Faith and Church. to the have ample evidence that the influence of S. Augustine was not merely an Otto sets himself deliberately CONTRA SECUNDAM IULIANI RESPONSIONEM Liber I : Liber II: Liber III Liber IV Liber V. Liber VI SERMONES But Gratian meant more word dispersed by Thomas Lüber, who said that he was considering only a State passages. City of God on earth. Bibliography. From that He spoke, indeed, of things not being so bad as people thought, pectus et brachia ad obediendum et defendendum ecclesiam valida et exerta. 175 and ff. It has nothing to do with the pure milk of the Now Augustine (however you interpret him) never identified the Civitas Dei with any earthly State. three main authorities--Scripture, Aristotle, and Augustine. other use of the terms (that maintained by Otto), to denote merely the elect and their power their trumpeter, to divulge the true adoration of God's majesty; if makes up the entire Commonwealth. Watermarks are applied to all newly scanned books . historical importance. In an earlier letter he had spoken in the usual and if they do all things, not for glory, but for charity, and with all, and disendowed. [2] For 'Erastus' see the essay appended ' is irrelevant to the topic of its clericalist or regalist interpretation.